Keir Starmer proved he could take power, but never proved he knew what power was for. That is the core failure behind the collapse of authority described by Guardian World: a leader who mastered control, caution, and party management, then froze when government demanded direction.
Keir Starmer’s Labour victory failed because ruthless control replaced political purpose
Starmer’s tragedy is not that he was too boring. It is that he turned discipline into a substitute for politics. In just 11 years, he entered parliament, became Labour leader, won a July 2024 election victory many had treated as impossible, and then saw his governing project unravel inside the final two years.
The Guardian’s account is brutal because it lands on the central contradiction. Starmer looked ruthless when he was removing Jeremy Corbyn’s influence and making Labour electable again. He looked far less certain once the prize was won.
Anthony Seldon, the historian who has written biographies of every prime minister from John Major to Rishi Sunak, put it starkly:
“Starmer didn’t know what he was doing in three ways. Firstly, he never worked out what the job was – what does the prime minister do? Secondly, he never knew what he wanted to do, above all not on economic policy. And thirdly, he didn’t know who to appoint.”
That is more than a personnel critique. It is an indictment of a political method. Starmer could remove obstacles. He could not turn the cleared road into a national journey.
The anti-Corbyn purge gave Starmer control, but it hollowed out Labour’s mission
The anti-Corbyn strategy worked as a route to power, then failed as a theory of government. Starmer’s early strength came from showing that Labour had changed after the 2019 election loss. He sacked Rebecca Long-Bailey from the shadow cabinet within weeks of becoming leader. A few months later, Corbyn lost the party whip. Hundreds of members were suspended or expelled.
As a party management exercise, it was effective. Labour was pulled away from Corbyn’s leftwing populism. The 10 policy pledges that helped Starmer win the leadership, including public ownership of utilities and ending student tuition fees, were largely left behind.
But there was a cost. Labour became easier to define by what it rejected than by what it believed. Internal discipline can win an election. It cannot, on its own, carry a government through welfare rows, migration pressure, fiscal restraint, war, and public impatience.
| Starmer’s strength in opposition | Starmer’s weakness in office |
|---|---|
| Discipline: Rebuilt Labour after 2019 | Drift: No clear governing plan visible at the start |
| Anti-Corbyn clarity: Defined what Labour was leaving behind | Thin mission: Less clear what Labour was moving toward |
| Electoral caution: Made Labour safer to voters | Governing caution: Turned hard choices into hesitation |
The lesson is not that Labour should have stayed Corbynite. It is sharper than that. A party trained mainly to avoid ideological conflict often struggles when power forces those conflicts back into the room.
A landslide without loyalty left Starmer exposed from day one
Starmer’s majority looked large, but his mandate was brittle. The Guardian describes Labour’s 2024 win as a landslide in seats, “if not the popular vote.” That distinction matters. In a fractured system, a party can dominate parliament while failing to build deep emotional attachment outside it.
The political environment had changed under Starmer’s feet. Voter loyalties were atomised. The old two-party structure had fractured into five. Labour faced a coherent threat on its left as well as its right, something the Guardian says had not happened before.
That kind of mandate needed more than managerial language. It needed emotional glue. Instead, Starmer leaned heavily on competence, stability, missions, goals, and plans for change. Those words sound responsible until voters start asking what they mean in their daily lives.
XOOMAR has tracked the pressure this created inside Labour in Labour Revolt Drags Keir Starmer Resignation Into View and Labour Panic Traps Keir Starmer in Resignation Showdown. The point is not just palace intrigue. It is that weak attachment outside the party eventually feeds panic inside it.
Starmer’s managerial style froze when Britain demanded visible leadership
The same caution that helped Starmer win made him look paralysed once he had to govern. One staffer told the Guardian that after the election win, they expected “some sort of blitz of major policies.” Instead, they saw the prime minister touring the UK to meet mayors. The reaction was damning: “This can’t be it. This isn’t how you do politics.”
David Runciman’s diagnosis is even more damaging. He argued that from “the moment Liz Truss appointed Kwasi Kwarteng as chancellor,” Labour was likely to win the next election. In his view, Labour had two years to prepare, and “did not prepare.”
That failure showed up quickly. Starmer had promised to “hit the ground running” three times within a minute at his first Downing Street press conference after the election. Yet the government was soon hit by rows over election freebies, welfare changes, cutting pensioners’ winter fuel allowances, and migration language, including Starmer’s reference to an “island of strangers.”
Voters can accept pain if they believe a leader is taking them somewhere clear. Starmer too often sounded like a man auditing a crisis rather than leading a country through one.
Labour’s left and right flanks became threats because Starmer left both unattended
Starmer’s narrow pitch left Labour vulnerable from both directions. On the right, Nigel Farage’s Reform UK had space to attack migration and national decline. On the left, the Greens and other critics could argue that Labour had abandoned transformation and moral clarity.
The Guardian gives one concrete warning sign: in February this year, the Greens overturned a 13,000 Labour majority in Gorton and Denton, Greater Manchester. That was not just a local embarrassment. It showed that disillusioned Labour voters had somewhere to go.
Labour also polled as low as 17%, sometimes in fourth place. Starmer’s personal ratings were so poor that only Liz Truss kept him from being the most unpopular prime minister in modern polling history, according to the Guardian’s account. Focus group descriptions included “jellyfish” and “doormat.”
A five-party environment punishes emptiness. If Labour cannot say what it is for, rivals will define it from every angle.
The defence of Starmer is serious, but it still isn’t enough
The strongest defence of Starmer is that he inherited a brutal job. Britain was not calm. The public mood was volatile. The Guardian notes the re-election of Donald Trump, the US-Israeli attack on Iran, and a delicate global situation. Starmer would not have chosen any of that.
Nor was he useless. The Guardian credits his handling of Trump and international affairs as one of the areas where he “obviously performed well and won credit.” One ally described him as hard-working and effective, saying: “He’s not Obama in his presentational skills, but then almost no one is.”
That counterargument deserves respect. Winning power required caution. Labour could not campaign forever as a protest movement. It had to govern.
But constraints explain limits. They do not excuse the absence of a story. Successful leaders turn constraint into argument. Starmer too often used constraint as a reason to say less, move slower, and hope competence would become charisma by repetition.
If Labour wants to survive Starmer’s tragedy, it must choose a cause bigger than control
Labour’s next task is not merely replacing a leader or reshuffling advisers. It is recovering purpose. Starmer changed top teams repeatedly, with Sue Gray replaced by Morgan McSweeney, but the Guardian’s account suggests the deeper problem was not the aides. It was the man at the centre and the missing governing idea.
Runciman’s verdict captures the historical oddity:
“I think the thing that will really stand out, the thing that makes his premiership different from all the others, is the mismatch between what looks like the scale of authority and legitimacy that ought to be conferred by a thumping majority parliament, and the complete absence of actual authority and legitimacy in practice.”
Labour should stop treating unity as silence and discipline as destiny. It needs a governing cause people can feel, whether that means rebuilding public services, raising living standards, restoring trust, or giving voters a clearer stake in the country’s future. The precise programme is for Labour to decide. The absence of one is no longer survivable.
Starmer mastered the art of removing obstacles. Power belongs to leaders who know where they’re going after the road is cleared.
Impact Analysis
- The article argues Starmer’s crisis stems from a lack of governing purpose, not just poor presentation.
- It frames Labour’s anti-Corbyn strategy as electorally successful but insufficient for running the country.
- The piece raises broader questions about whether political control can substitute for a clear policy mission.
Originally published on XOOMAR. For more news and analysis, visit XOOMAR.
